Please wait a minute...
金融研究  2023, Vol. 516 Issue (6): 187-206    
  金融史专栏 本期目录 | 过刊浏览 | 高级检索 |
17至20世纪初中国的商业利率变迁:以金融组织演进为线索的考察
彭凯翔, 陈志武, 袁为鹏
武汉大学经济与管理学院, 湖北武汉 430072;
香港大学经管学院, 香港 999077;
上海交通大学人文学院,上海 200240
Commercial Interest Rates in China from the 17th to the early 20th Century: A Study Based on the Evolution of Financial Organizations
PENG Kaixiang, CHEN Zhiwu, YUAN Weipeng
School of Economics and Management, Wuhan University;
Business School, University of Hong Kong;
School of Humanities, Shanghai Jiao Tong University
下载:  PDF (1860KB) 
输出:  BibTeX | EndNote (RIS)      
摘要 传统中国商业利率的水平在文献中时有讨论,但实证上却较为模糊。本文基于综合各种史料的利率数据库及对金融组织层级的认识,估测了17世纪至20世纪初的商业利率变化趋势,表明它长期趋于下降,尤其是最惠级利率的下降更为明显;至19世纪中期,最惠商业利率在多地已下降至接近年利5%的水平,虽略高于同期英格兰的银行利率,但并未超过美国和日本银行的利率。本文也表明,利率的变迁与金融组织的演进息息相关,利率市场等一定程度上非正式但也非人格化的组织与制度发挥了重要作用,它们把资金市场中能够更高效匹配的部分不断区分出来。这一机制直到银行兴起后仍发挥重要作用。
服务
把本文推荐给朋友
加入引用管理器
E-mail Alert
RSS
作者相关文章
彭凯翔
陈志武
袁为鹏
关键词:  利率史  大分流  金融组织    
Summary:  Due to a lack of systematic commercial interest rate data, reasearches about the economic history of the Ming and Qing dynasties mainly draws conclusions based on the descriptions of interest rates in non-commercial private lending. The data problems lead some scholars to believe that higher interest rates hinder economic development and lead to “a great divergence” between China and the West, while others believe that although there is an interest rate difference between China and the West, Smithian growth suggests that non-market channels such as kinship relationships are still sufficient to support China's development. To solve the data problem, we establish a database of interest rate history since the 17th century, drawn from a combination of commercial documents including letters, account books, bank records, and more general material including contracts, judicial records, diaries, notes, and investigation reports.
To construct meaningful interest rate series from these various sources, we first identify the evolution of financial organizations from the middle and late Ming dynasty to the late Qing dynasty. We reveal that during this period, pawn shops, silver money shops, exchange shops, and an interbank lending market appeared one after another, and successively became the hubs of commercial financing in each stage. Although traditional financial institutions have lost out in their competition with modern financial institutions such as banks, this does not mean that previous developments should be ignored. Before the 20th century, the evolution of traditional financial organizations and the changes in their business and technology were not without breakthroughs, which provided the conditions for the development of modern finance. These activities were closely related to the large-scale, long-distance capital flows of the period, and the market at the time was close to the capital markets examined in the literature, or close to the “highest level” market defined by Fernand Braudel.
Based on this understanding of financial organizations in the Ming and Qing dynasties, we distinguish commercial interest rates from those of non-commercial private lending, and also distinguish the interest rates of ordinary commercial lending from prime commercial lending. Thus, our study reveals that the interest rate showed a general decline in terms of the private lending rate in the late Ming dynasty, particular for commercial lending, which also demonstrated obvious convergence. Although ordinary non-commercial lending interest rates changed little after the late Ming dynasty, the downward trend in commercial interest rates continued into the 19th century, and the lower part (or prime rates) of these rates fell to a greater degree. We also compare interest rates in the “highest level” markets in China and the West, as their business was similar. By the mid-19th century, China's prime rates had fallen to nearly 5% in its advanced regions, although they remained slightly higher than the bill discount rate in London during the same period but were lower or did not exceed similar interest rates for U.S. and Japanese banks.
Regional data also show that interest rates for both ordinary and prime lending tended toward integration in the pre/mid-19th century, while the coastal and hinterland “scissors gap” began in the late 19th century. However, the interest rate difference between traditional financial institutions in commercial ports in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was still smaller than that of banks, and close to the regional interest rate difference between U.S. banks when distance is considered. The primary mechanism for promoting the integration of interest rates between commercial ports is through the local interest rate markets formed by the centralized clearing operations of financial institutions. The standardized interest rate formed in these markets plays the role of a price signal, guiding the cross-regional flow of capital and improving the degree of integration of financial markets. The performance of traditional financial institutions is more controversial in terms of enlarging the scale of capital than in terms of their achievements in market organization, particularly compared with modern banks. However, we find no positive relationship between lending scale and interest rate in commercial lending, so the limited size of traditional financial institutions is more likely to be the result of the limited capital demand in the pre-industrial era.
In summary, our study demonstrates the evolution of financial organizations in China between the 17th and early 20th centuries, which led to the continuous decline of commercial interest rates and an improvement in interest rate integration. Unlike the typical understanding in the literature, we find that it is not personal arrangements such as kinship networks, but impersonal although informal institutions such as the interest rate market and the periodic clearing system that play a key role. This increases our understanding of Smithian growth and its institutional basis during the Ming and Qing dynasties. Moreover, the interest rate market and other institutions still played a positive role after the rise of banks, which reveals the continuity between the development of traditional and modern finance.
Keywords:  History of Interest Rates    Great Divergence    Financial Organizations
JEL分类号:  N25   G10   G20  
基金资助: * 本文感谢国家社会科学基金的资助(21&ZD078、20&ZD065)。感谢匿名审稿人的宝贵意见,文责自负。
作者简介:  彭凯翔,经济学博士肄业,教授,武汉大学经济与管理学院,E-mail:kaixiangp@qq.com.陈志武,经济学博士,教授,香港大学经管学院,E-mail:zhiwu.chen@hku.hk.袁为鹏,历史学博士,教授,上海交通大学人文学院,E-mail:bjyuanwp@163.com.
引用本文:    
彭凯翔, 陈志武, 袁为鹏. 17至20世纪初中国的商业利率变迁:以金融组织演进为线索的考察[J]. 金融研究, 2023, 516(6): 187-206.
PENG Kaixiang, CHEN Zhiwu, YUAN Weipeng. Commercial Interest Rates in China from the 17th to the early 20th Century: A Study Based on the Evolution of Financial Organizations. Journal of Financial Research, 2023, 516(6): 187-206.
链接本文:  
http://www.jryj.org.cn/CN/  或          http://www.jryj.org.cn/CN/Y2023/V516/I6/187
[1] 《康熙中期旅汉口谢氏徽商文书》,2015,《徽州文书(第五辑)》,桂林:广西师范大学出版社。
[2] 《临清州志》,2001,济南:山东省地图出版社。
[3] 《明熹宗实录》,1999,上海:上海书店出版社。
[4] 《吴江县志(嘉靖)》,1987,台北:台湾学生书局。
[5] 《邮传部第三次统计表》,中国第一历史档案馆藏。
[6] 安部健夫,1971,《清代史の研究》,东京:創文社。
[7] 毕自严,2002,《度支奏议》,《续修四库全书》第484册,上海:上海古籍出版社。
[8] 卞利,2019,《明清时期徽州的清明会及其清明墓祭活动初探》,《安徽史学》第3期,第105~114页。
[9] 布罗代尔,1992,《15至18世纪的物质文明、经济和资本主义(第二卷)》,北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店。
[10] 布罗代尔,1997,《资本主义论丛》,北京:中央编译出版社。
[11] 曹树基,2000,《中国人口史(第四卷)》,上海:复旦大学出版社。
[12] 曹树基,2001,《中国人口史(第五卷)》,上海:复旦大学出版社。
[13] 陈添翼和刘秋根,2020,《嘉道时期北京账局的工商业借贷研究》,《河北师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》第6期,第35~47页。
[14] 陈志武、彭凯翔和袁为鹏,2016,《清初至二十世纪前期中国利率史初探——基于中国利率史数据库(1660—2000)的考察》,《清史研究》第4期,第39~54页。
[15] 大清银行清理处,1915,《大清银行始末记》,北京:大清银行清理处。
[16] 东亚同文会,2015,《中国省别全志》,北京:国家图书馆出版社。
[17] 傅岩,2006,《歙纪》,合肥:黄山书社。
[18] 戈兹曼,2017,《千年金融史》,北京:中信出版集团。
[19] 格申克龙,2009,《经济落后的历史透视》,北京:商务印书馆。
[20] 龚关,2007,《近代天津金融业研究(1861—1936)》,天津:天津人民出版社。
[21] 顾琳,2009,《中国的经济革命:二十世纪的乡村工业》,南京:江苏人民出版社。
[22] 韩大成,1991,《明代城市研究》,北京:中国人民大学出版社。
[23] 黄鉴晖,2002,《山西票号史》,太原:山西经济出版社。
[24] 黄鉴晖等,2002,《山西票号史料》,太原:山西经济出版社。
[25] 黄宗智,1992,《长江三角洲小农家庭与乡村发展》,北京:中华书局。
[26] 江晓成,2017,《清代的京债与地方吏治》,《清史研究》第1期,第94~105页。
[27] 孔祥毅,2004,《镖局、标期、标利与中国北方社会信用》,《金融研究》第1期,第117~125页。
[28] 刘秋根,2000,《明清高利贷资本》,北京:社会科学文献出版社。
[29] 彭凯翔,2015,《从交易到市场:传统中国民间经济脉络试探》,杭州:浙江大学出版社。
[30] 彭凯翔,2021,《崇祯十五年借兑客标考:兼论明清之际的南北银流与军事财政》,中山大学历史系(珠海)“中国经济史中的粮料、财用与价格”学术研讨会讨论稿。
[31] 彭凯翔、陈志武和袁为鹏,2008,《近代中国农村借贷市场的机制》,《经济研究》第5期,第147~159页。
[32] 彭慕兰,2003,《大分流:欧洲、中国及现代世界经济的发展》,南京:江苏人民出版社。
[33] 乔幼梅,1988,《宋元时期高利贷资本的发展》,《中国社会科学》第3期,第200~222页。
[34] 邱澎生,2005,《也是“商法”问题:试论十七世纪中国的法律批判与法律推理》,《法制史研究:中国法制史学会会刊》第8期,第75~123页。
[35] 史若民,1998,《票商兴衰史》,北京:中国经济出版社。
[36] 宋怡明,2019,《被统治的艺术:中华帝国晚期的日常政治》,北京:中国华侨出版社。
[37] 许檀,2011,《乾隆—道光年间的北洋贸易与上海的崛起》,《学术月刊》第11期,第147~154页。
[38] 严中平,1955,《中国棉纺织史稿》,北京:科学出版社。
[39] 杨荫溥,1936,《杨著中国金融论》,上海:黎明书局。
[40] 叶世昌,2002,《中国金融通史(第一卷)》,北京:中国金融出版社。
[41] 袁采,1935,《袁氏世范》,上海:商务印书馆。
[42] 张宇燕和高程,2005,《海外白银、初始制度条件与东方世界的停滞——关于晚明中国何以“错过”经济起飞历史机遇的猜想》,《经济学(季刊)》第2期,第491~518页。
[43] 郑亦芳,1981,《上海钱庄(一八四三~一九三七)——中国传统金融业的蜕变》,台北:中研院三民主义研究所。
[44] 郑振满,2009,《明清福建家族组织与社会变迁》,北京:中国人民大学出版社。
[45] 朱荫贵,2007,《论近代中国企业商号吸收社会储蓄——1930年南京政府禁令颁布前后的分析》,《复旦大学学报》(社会科学版)第5期,第96~106页。
[46] 朱荫贵,2021,《近代中国的资本市场:生成与演变》,上海:复旦大学出版社。
[47] Bodenhorn, H. 1992. “Capital Mobility and Financial Integration in Antebellum America”, The Journal of Economic History, 52(3): 585~610.
[48] Elvin, M. 1973. The Pattern of the Chinese Past, Stanford University Press .
[49] Grief, A. 1993. “Contract Enforceability and Economic Institutions in Early Trade”, The American Economic Review, 83(3): 525~548.
[50] Homer, S. and R. Sylla. 2005. A History of Interest Rates, Rutgers University Press.
[51] Keller, W., C. Shiue, and X. Wang. 2021. “Capital Markets in China and Britain, 1770-1860: Evidence from Grain Prices”, American Economic Journal: Applied Economics 13(3): 31~64.
[52] King, T. C. 2006. History of the London Discount Market, Routledge.
[53] Liu, W. G. 2015. The Chinese Market Economy, 1000-1500, Albany, Suny Press.
[54] McDermott, J. P. 2013. The Making of a New Rural Order in South China: I. Village, Land, and Lineage in Huizhou, 900-1600, Cambridge University Press.
[55] Miwa, Y. and J. M. Ramseyer. 2006. “Japanese Industrial Finance at the Close of the 19th Century: Trade Credit and Financial Intermediation”, Explorations in Economic History, 43(1): 94~118.
[56] Pomeranz, K. 1993. The Making of a Hinterland: State, Society, and Economy in Inland North China, 1853-1937, University of California Press
[57] Rosenthal, J. and R. B. Wong. 2011. Before and Beyond Divergence: The Politics of Economic Change in China and Europe, Harvard University Press.
[58] Rousseau, P. L. and R. Sylla. 2006. “Financial Revolutions and Economic Growth”, Explorations in Economic History, 43(1): 1~12.
[1] 赵岩, 董小琦, 赵留彦. 银点套利与银跨境流动:中国银本位1902—1932[J]. 金融研究, 2023, 515(5): 189-206.
[2] 颜色, 辛星. 中国历史上的国际收支估算:1550—1948[J]. 金融研究, 2023, 513(3): 188-206.
[3] 王信, 张翼, 魏磊. 庚子赔款的债务化偿付及其影响[J]. 金融研究, 2021, 488(2): 133-152.
[4] 云妍, 陈志武, 林展. 清代官绅家庭资产结构一般特征初探——以抄产档案为中心的研究[J]. 金融研究, 2018, 452(2): 61-81.
[5] 胡金焱, 张博, 范辰辰. 气候冲击、民间金融与农民起义——典当的避险作用[J]. 金融研究, 2016, 434(8): 68-84.
[1] 步丹璐, 狄灵瑜. 治理环境、股权投资与政府补助[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 448(10): 193 -206 .
[2] 王曦, 朱立挺, 王凯立. 我国货币政策是否关注资产价格?——基于马尔科夫区制转换BEKK多元GARCH模型[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 449(11): 1 -17 .
[3] 刘勇政, 李岩. 中国的高速铁路建设与城市经济增长[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 449(11): 18 -33 .
[4] 况伟大, 王琪琳. 房价波动、房贷规模与银行资本充足率[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 449(11): 34 -48 .
[5] 祝树金, 赵玉龙. 资源错配与企业的出口行为——基于中国工业企业数据的经验研究[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 449(11): 49 -64 .
[6] 陈德球, 陈运森, 董志勇. 政策不确定性、市场竞争与资本配置[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 449(11): 65 -80 .
[7] 牟敦果, 王沛英. 中国能源价格内生性研究及货币政策选择分析[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 449(11): 81 -95 .
[8] 王丽艳, 马光荣. 帆随风动、人随财走?——财政转移支付对人口流动的影响[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 448(10): 18 -34 .
[9] 高铭, 江嘉骏, 陈佳, 刘玉珍. 谁说女子不如儿郎?——P2P投资行为与过度自信[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 449(11): 96 -111 .
[10] 吕若思, 刘青, 黄灿, 胡海燕, 卢进勇. 外资在华并购是否改善目标企业经营绩效?——基于企业层面的实证研究[J]. 金融研究, 2017, 449(11): 112 -127 .
Viewed
Full text


Abstract

Cited

  Shared   
  Discussed   
版权所有 © 《金融研究》编辑部
本系统由北京玛格泰克科技发展有限公司设计开发 技术支持:support@magtech.com.cn
京ICP备11029882号-1